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2019-05-15 19:33:36

 
64以及薄煦来事件的阴谋论 《六》 [引用]

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天安门究竟发生了什么?

那些说广场有屠杀的人可以休息了。没那事。看看下面的东西就很清楚了。

 

Tiananmen Square June 4, 1989: What really happened?

William Engdahl
William Engdahl is an award-winning geopolitical analyst and strategic risk consultant whose internationally best-selling books have been translated into thirteen foreign languages. He has lectured as Visiting Professor at Beijing University of Chemical Technology and delivers talks and private seminars around the world on subjects of current importance from economics to oil geopolitics to agribusiness. A widely discussed analyst of current political and economic developments, his provocative articles and analyses have appeared in numerous newspapers and magazines and well-known international websites. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization in Montreal and member of the editorial board of Eurasia magazine. Based in Frankfurt, Germany he may be reached via his website www.williamengdahl.com
 
 

 

?Tiananmen Square June 4, 1989: What really happened?

 

 

 

This week marks twenty five years since the world was told of a brutal massacre by the Chinese Peoples’ Liberation Army of “thousands” of peacefully protesting pro-democracy students in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.

 

The response from the West then was to demonize the Chinese government and to impose economic and military sanctions which in many cases exist to the present day. A recent release of a diplomatic telegram from then-US Ambassador to China, James E. Lilley, to Washington sheds new light on what really happened that June 4.

According to the mainstream Western version of events, thousands of Chinese university students began their sit-in protest demanding democracy and transparency from the Communist government in April and into May 1989 in the huge Tiananmen Square, directly across from the historic Forbidden City edifice in central Beijing. They defiantly faced off against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the People’s Liberation Army. On May 20, 1989, the CCP imposed martial law and ordered truckloads of soldiers to Beijing to take back the square from protesters. The Western account has it that then, on June 3 into June 4, PLA soldiers opened fire and killed “up to 1000 student protesters.”

Sensational eyewitness account

WikiLeaks, the website that received hundreds of thousands of pages of intercepted diplomatic correspondence from the US State Department, has released a classified diplomatic cable from then-Beijing Ambassador James Lilley to Washington dated July 12, 1989 more than four weeks after the events. In his report, Lilley writes the following shocking version of events:

OF JUNE 3-4 EVENTS ON TIANANMEN SQUARE

1. CONFIDENTIAL - ENTIRE TEXT.

2. SUMMARY- DURING A RECENT MEETING, A LATIN AMERICAN DIPLOMAT AND HIS WIFE PROVIDED POLOFF AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR MOVEMENTS ON JUNE 3-4 AND THEIR EYEWITNESS ACCOUNT OF EVENTS AT TIANANMEN SQUARE. ALTHOUGH THEIR ACCOUNT GENERALLY FOLLOWS THOSE PREVIOUSLY REPORTED, THEIR UNIQUE EXPERIENCES PROVIDE ADDITIONAL INSIGHT AND CORROBORATION OF EVENTS IN THE SQUARE. THEY WERE ABLE TO ENTER AND LEAVE THE SQUARE SEVERAL TIMES AND WERE NOT HARASSED BY TROOPS. REMAINING WITH STUDENTS BY THE MONUMENT TO THE PEOPLE'S HEROES UNTIL THE FINAL WITHDRAWAL, THE DIPLOMAT SAID THERE WERE NO MASS SHOOTINGS OF STUDENTS IN THE SQUARE OR AT THE MONUMENT. END SUMMARY. (Emphasis mine - WE)

Lilley in his memo goes on to name the Latin American couple as Chilean Second Secretary Carlos Gallo and his wife. They had been dining near the square and went to observe events. As foreign diplomats, they managed to move in the crowd without difficulty. They said the PLA had evidently been ordered not to interfere with foreigners. They reported hearing shots and wounded students were brought to a Red Cross tent for care. Then the US Ambassador reported,

(FILES) In a ilfe picture taken on June 4, 1989 Beijing residents gather around the smoking remains of over 20 armoured personnel carriers burnt by demonstrators during clashes with soldiers near Tiananmen Square. (AFP Photo / Files / Manuel Ceneta)

8. GALLO EVENTUALLY ENDED UP AT THE RED CROSS STATION, AGAIN HOPING THAT TROOPS WOULD NOT FIRE ON THE MEDICAL PERSONNEL THERE. HE WATCHED THE MILITARY ENTER THE SQUARE AND DID NOT OBSERVE ANY MASS FIRING OF WEAPONS INTO THE CROWDS, ALTHOUGH SPORADIC GUNFIRE WAS HEARD. HE SAID THAT MOST OF THE TROOPS WHICH ENTERED THE SQUARE WERE ACTUALLY ARMED ONLY WITH ANTI-RIOT GEAR--TRUNCHEONS AND WOODEN CLUBS… (Emphasis added - WE)

Then Gallo reports in a subsequent meeting with the US Embassy’s political officer a most remarkable development which was entirely blocked out of sensational Western media. The student leaders and the PLA reached an agreement that the protestors would be allowed to leave peacefully if they disbanded their sit-in:

10. ALTHOUGH GUNFIRE COULD BE HEARD, GALLO SAID THAT APART FROM SOME BEATING OF STUDENTS, THERE WAS NO MASS FIRING INTO THE CROWD OF STUDENTS AT THE MONUMENT. WHEN POLOFF MENTIONED SOME REPORTEDLY EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS OF MASSACRES AT THE MONUMENT WITH AUTOMATIC WEAPONS, GALLO SAID THAT THERE WAS NO SUCH SLAUGHTER. ONCE AGREEMENT WAS REACHED FOR THE STUDENTS TO WITHDRAW, LINKING HANDS TO FORM A COLUMN, THE STUDENTS LEFT THE SQUARE THROUGH THE SOUTHEAST CORNER. ESSENTIALLY EVERYONE, INCLUDING GALLO, LEFT. THE FEW THAT ATTEMPTED TO REMAIN BEHIND WERE BEATEN AND DRIVEN TO JOIN THE END OF THE DEPARTING PROCESSION. ONCE OUTSIDE THE SQUARE, THE STUDENTS HEADED WEST ON QIANMEN DAJIE WHILE GALLO HEADED EAST TO HIS CAR. (Emphasis mine - WE)

The report of a deal between student protestors and the military to end the protest peacefully and leave had been told to me by various young Chinese in personal accounts on recent visits to Beijing, but until this WikiLeaks release of the Lilley cable, it could never be confirmed. Now it seems clear that the entire story of “thousands” of dead students at Tiananmen Square, whose very name in the West is synonymous with brutal government suppression of democracy, was largely a fabrication. The protests were real, but not the horrendous stories of slaughter.

Indeed, as I have written elsewhere, there is rather strong circumstantial evidence that suggests that the CIA and US State Department played a key role in trying to goad on the student protestors at Tiananmen Square; much like the CIA did in Hungary in 1956, in order to provoke a government bloodbath of repression. Around the same time as Tiananmen protests in April-June 1989, the Chinese government banned a Chinese NGO of US operator George Soros, the Fund for the Reform and Opening of China, after interrogating its Chinese director in August 1989 and claiming that the Soros China fund had links to the CIA. The Soros Fund according to Chinese reports had been supported by ousted Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang.

Significantly in addition to the Soros Fund, Gene Sharp of the Cambridge Massachusetts Albert Einstein Institution, whose handbooks on “non-violence as a method of warfare” have been the “how-to” textbook for every color revolution to date, was in Beijing days before the Tiananmen events. Then-US Ambassador Lilley himself was a career CIA officer who, like then-President George H.W. Bush, had been in the secretive Yale Skull & Bones society, and who was with Bush at the CIA. The circumstantial evidence points to an attempted US destabilization of China designed to coincide with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, with Lilley the likely on-the-ground coordinator.

When the PLA failed to fill Beijing with the blood of “thousands” of student democracy martyrs, Washington could simply go with fabrication of a fantasy or virtual massacre and, because of its overwhelming control of mainstream media; most of the world could believe the Washington version.

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

 

 

 

 

 

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方励之和布什的中情局

 

中情局肯定有人和方时常联系

 

http://www.standoffattiananmen.com/2012/04/people-of-1989-fang-lizhi.html

 

His words drew attention everywhere. That February, Fang Lizhi and Li Shuxian were invited to attend a state bangquet hosted by the visiting President George H. W. Bush but were brutally stopped near the party by a swarm of police.

 

As the 1989 student movement was ignited after Hu Yaobang's death, Fang Lizhi chose to stay behind the scenes so that he would not bring unwanted attention or trouble to the movement. Earlier on, he did provide private advices to a few student leaders such as Liu Gang and Wang Dan but refused invitations to make public speeches. Later, he expressed his displeasure of the aggressive tactics in the movement:

 

Once the hunger strike started, the movement went out of control, and I suspected that the government would use military means to end it. These students just did not understand. They grew up in the generation after the Cultural Revolution and had never seen the Party kill people on a large scale. The students loved that line in L'Intenernationale about this being the final struggle, but I told those who came to my home that this was most definitely not the final struggle. They felt that if they just carried this struggle through, they would be victorious. I didn't think so.

 

Nevertheless, Fang Lizhi and Li Shuxian were publicly labeled as the "black hands" of the movement by the government. On May 31, several small-scale rallies organized by the government sprang up in the Beijing suburbs, in which "angry peasants" burned effigies of Fang Lizhi's likeness.

 

By then, Fang Lizhi already found himself followed when he left Beijing for an academic conference. Within hours after the massacre on June 3, he contacted the American Embassy through their American friend Perry Link and eventually gained protection there.

 

 

 

  读李洁明写的回忆录。方和老婆去美领馆是被赶出去的。晚上又被秘密接进去了。方自己说的过程是这样的。
  https://www.voachinese.com/a/article-20110528-fanglizhi-memoir-i-122784474/782359.html
   
 以下是方励之原作的摘录。

*美使馆代办态度冷热大转变*

6月5 日晚,李淑娴和我住在建国饭店。半夜,电话铃响,是美国驻北京大使馆代办薄瑞光(Raymond Burghardt)打来的,他急匆匆地说:“我是今天下午见到你们的薄瑞光,欢迎你们来大使馆住,你们是布什总统的客人,如果同意,我们马上开车去接你们。”

同“今天下午见到你们”时相比,薄瑞光的口气有了180度的大转弯。
那天(6月5日)下午,我们在Perry Link (林培瑞)陪同下去大使馆,想在那里暂住几天,以渡过动荡不定的时局。薄瑞光接待了我们的。当时李洁明大使和夫人莎莉(Sally)刚到北京,尚未搬入大使官邸。大使馆事务由薄瑞光代办主持。薄同我们谈了两个多小时。看得出来,他不欢迎我们在大使馆暂住。

当天下午(美东时间),国务院的Jeffrey Bader得知驻京大使馆“不欢迎”我们的作为后,立即给驻北京大使馆打电话。Bader一时找不到保密电话,因为是星期日。事情不能拖,不在乎保密了,Bader就用可被中方监听的电话直接打到使馆政治处。说来那一通电话倒是不怕被监听,因为最主要的一句话是:

“What the f*** are you doing?”

一听“f***”,薄瑞光等立刻明白了,赶快打电话给我们:欢迎。

 当然,当初的“不欢迎”态度,并不是薄瑞光自定的,也是美国当局的一般性政策,薄瑞光特来解释过这一点。也与*布什*和斯考克罗夫特的回忆相符。
 想想像方这样的人够格吗? 为什么他那么重要?

 

我现在找不到了,好心李洁明说方和他老婆下午去美领馆。薄瑞光把他们赶走了。根本没把他们当回事。接了美国国务院的电话后。他们满北京城开着小面包车全城宾馆找方和他老婆。直到晚上12点才找到。然后悄悄把他们带进了领事馆。这个你们应该在李洁明的回忆录里能找到。

 

想想,如果方不重要,他们会这样干吗?那句你们是总统的朋友非常重要。美国国务院和中情局不是一个体系。很多时候他们并不知道中情局做的事。肯定中情局马上派人去了领事馆参与了找方的行动。也就是说方知道的东西肯定不少!

 

李洁明的回忆录非常重要。

 

https://www.voachinese.com/a/article-20110608-fanglizhi-3-full-text-123471764/827560.html

 

李洁明在他的经CIA审查过的回忆录中也提到该项军事情报合作[1]

 

为啥要经过中情局审查???

 

李洁明在回忆录中说,那半个小时他极度紧张[1]。按美国务院指示,在方李二人离境过程中,大使必须全程陪同,而且务将方李二人一直安排在他的视线之内。但是,中方发护照给方李时,不让美方官员在场。方李二人已在他的视线之外。一耽搁就是半小时。不让美方官员在发放护照现场,可能是显示PRC主权。中方这一安排,并没有事前告诉美方。李洁明遇此非预计状况,极紧张,担心是不是中方会突然变了卦,把我们抓走?如若抓走,如何应对,没有预案。

那半个小时里,我注意到,中方人员也极度紧张,为主的那一位公安官员脸上直冒汗,说话僵硬。他们可能也没有预案,如果因方哲或其他原因,不能按协议办,如何处置?

所以那半个小时里,中方人员呆视着李淑娴打电话。她在电话里不慌不忙,不紧不慢,最终说服了方哲。没出意外。

整个过程中,中方全程录像。后来使馆人转告,那是要给邓小平看的。

 

如果不知道我前面说的那些东西,想想为啥中美两方都这么紧张?为什么方这么重要?还不够简单吗?

 

Perry Link和刘晓波也有很多的联系。你可以看看他怎么谈刘晓波的。他的表情非常有色彩。

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZJsp84KuZNc

 

Dr. Perry Link, "The Thought of Liu Xiaobo, China's Nobel Peace Laureate"

 

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布什要派密使见邓小平。

 

 64后邓小平和Bush的通讯。
   6月20, 老布什给邓小平发了个信。要求派秘使当面给邓东西。我看到过网上有那信的COPY。找不到了。找到打好。 好像李洁明的回忆录提到过。那秘使很秘密, 飞机都差点被中国击落。
 

 

http://xmarden.wordpress.com/2005/11/21/letter-written-by-senior-bush-to-deng-xiaoping/
  

 

letter written by senior Bush to Deng Xiaoping

 

Posted on 

 

by 

 

Letters from China

China and independent travel

   I  googled and found a personal letter* written by senior Bush to Deng Xiaoping, the then Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party and the state:

June 20, 1989 [about a fortnight after the Tiananmen Massacre]

His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People’s Republic of China
Beijing

Dear Chairman Deng:

I write this letter to you with a heavy heart. I wish there was a way to discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I’m sure you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.

Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally have done for the people of China and to help your great country move forward. There is enormous irony in the fact that you who yourself has suffered several reversals in your quest to bring reform and openness to China are now facing a situation fraught with so much danger and so much anxiety.

I recall your telling me the last time we met that you were in essence phasing our of the day-to-day management of your great country. But I also recall your unforgettable words about the need for good relations with the West, your concerns about "Encirclement" and those who had done great harm to China, and your commitment to keep China moving forward. By writing you I am not trying to bypass any individual leader of China. I am simply writing as a friend, a genuine "lao pengyou".

It is with this in mind that I write you asking for your help in preserving this relationship that we both think is very important. I have tried very hard not to inject myself into China’s internal affairs. I have tried very hard not to appear to be dictating in any way to China about how it should manage its internal crisis. I am respectful of the difference in our societies and in our two systems.

I have great reverence for Chinese history, culture and tradition. You have given much to the development of world civilization. But I ask you as well to remember the principles on which my young country was founded. Those principles are democracy and freedom – freedom of speech, freedom of assemblage, freedom from arbitrary authority. It is reverence for those principles which inevitably affects the way Americans view and react to events in other countries. It is not a reaction of arrogance or of a desire to force others to our beliefs but of a simple faith in the enduring value of those principles and their universal applicability.

And that leads directly to the fundamental problem. The early days of the student demonstrations, and indeed, the early treatment of the students by the Chinese Army, captured the imagination of the entire world. The wonder of TV brought the details of the events in Tiananmen Square into the homes of people not just in "Western" countries but world-wide. The early tolerance that was shown, the restraint and the generous handling of the demonstrations won world-wide respect for China’s leadership. Thoughtful people all over the world tried to understand and sympathize with the enormous problems being faced by those required to keep order; and, indeed, they saw with administration the manifestation of policy which reflected the leaders’ words: "The Army loves the people." The world cheered when the Chinese leaders were seen patiently meeting with students, even though there were "sit-ins" and even though disorder did interfere with normal functions.

I will leave what followed to the history books, but again, with their own eyes the people of the world saw the turmoil and the bloodshed with which the demonstrations were ended. Various countries reacted in various ways. Based on the principles I described above, the actions I took as President of the United States could not be avoided. As you know, the clamor for stronger action remains intense. I have resisted that clamor, making clear that I did not want to see this relationship that you and I have worked hard to build. I explained to the American people that I did not want to unfairly burden the Chinese people through economic sanctions.

There is also the matter of Fang Lizhi. The minute I heard Fang was in our Embassy, I knew there would be a high profiled wedge driven between us. Fang was not encouraged to come to our Embassy, but under our widely accepted interpretation of international law, we could not refuse him admittance.

In today’s climate I know this matter is of grave importance to you and I know it presents you with an enormous problem; a problem that adversely affects my determination and, hopefully, yours to get our relationship back on track.

We cannot now put Fang out of the Embassy without some assurance that he will not be in physical danger. Similar cases elsewhere in the world have been resolved over long periods of time or through the government quietly permitting departure or through expulsion. I simply want to assure you that we want this difficult matter resolved in a way which is both satisfactory to you and does not violate our commitment to our basic principles. When there are difficulties between friends, as now, we must find a way to talk them out.

Your able Ambassador here represents your country firmly and faithfully. I feel that Jim Lilley does the same for us; but if there is some special channel that you would favor, please let me know.

I have thought of asking you to receive a special emissary who could speak with total candor to you representing my heartfelt convictions on these matters. If you feel such an emissary could be helpful, please let me know and we will work cooperatively to see that his mission is kept in total confidence. I have insisted that all departments of the US Government be guided in their statements and actions from my guidance in the White House. Sometimes in an open system such as ours it is impossible to control all leaks, but on this particular letter there are no copies, no one, outside of my own personal file.

I send you this letter with great respect and deep concern. We must not let this important relationship suffer further. Please help me keep it strong. Any statement that could be made from China that drew upon the earlier statements about peacefully resolving further disputes with protesters would be very well received here. Any clemency that could be shown the student demonstrators would be applauded worldwide. We must not let the aftermath of the tragic events undermine a vital relationship patiently built up over the past seventeen years. I would of course welcome a personal reply to this letter. This matter is too important to be left to our bureaucracies.

As I said above, I write with a heavy heart; but I also write with a frankness reserved for respected friends.

Sincerely,
George Bush

*The letter was hosted at the website of Georgia Institute of Technology and is now only accessible via Google’s cache.

 想过没? 有什么秘密那么重要?美国要表现民主自由。完全可以公开说。我个人认为布什的密使就是要告诉邓小平让江泽民当总书记。如果你们经历过就知道64那一两个星期,所有电视都停了。大家根本不知道北京发生了什么事。那几天就是他们做决定的时刻。 他们谈了很多条件。邓和布什最后达成协议。中情局也同意停止在中国继续搞动乱。我估计中情局有打入中国的军队。他们也有一定的控制力。

 

 

 

 

 

***********************************************补充************************************************************

 

https://www.zhina.wiki/%E6%B1%9F%E6%B3%BD%E6%B0%91

 

第三次是在一九八九年,胡耀邦去世的时候。上海《世界经济导报》和《新观察》开座谈会,一大批人参加,我也参加了,发了言,《世界经济导报》就把这个座谈会的发言写成了报导,公开了。那张报纸我好像还保留了一份。后来江泽民派了曾庆红和陈至立把《世界经济导报》封掉了。四月廿九日早上,江泽民从上海给我打来电话,谈了不下半个小时,向我诉苦,说上海有上百人口头对他提出抗议,质问为什么把《世界经济导报》封掉?他简直受不了了,向我求救,说北京不能再给他施加压力了。因为他看到我参加了座谈会,让我在北京帮他释放压力。

 

我那天的日记是这么记的:

 

“一早江泽民电话谈《世经导报》事件,说86学潮时,中央即有指示撤钦本立,芮江商量(还有鲍),不好办,只能拖。整顿很难,苏绍智文,季崇威、宦乡都讲导报是搞经济的。苏文事要检讨,钦不理,无法指挥。钦也解释。最近去美国,云里雾里,要同台湾合作,一直顶。当前上海日子难过,煤、粮极紧(粮卖0.16元,买进1元),煤有时只能维持几小时。18亿斤全高价,靠财政贴,受不了折腾。向谁请示,不当这个家算了。谈到政治局开会时耀邦得病情况,对耀邦评价。关于‘出国’事,曾在干部大会辟谣。廿一日学生又闹,三点通告,上海不能再闹。也有游行,劝阻,警察学乖,难免有别有用心人。廿一晚,曾庆红、陈至立找钦,说送大样不送。北京座谈会,六页涉及许多名人。吴明瑜、童大林说有歪曲处,名人有言论自由,送到国外有何好处。胡心情不好,是否向外谈,怕引起动乱。几次保钦,爱护北京同志出发。市委要审查,谈到十一点,不能改,删一些、选一些,也不行。于是江泽民、汪道涵去。“我修养不好,拍了桌子。摆什么老资格,不要唯恐天下不乱。如此无组织、无纪律,不要仗‘洋霸’。”江先走,汪谈到夜二点,钦允照办。北京有悼词,登一登。美国务院发言人遗憾,岂有此理。吴忠信儿子吴光灼(宋楚瑜同辈)在美国搞学潮,反越战,哥伦比亚大学罢课,封闭,乃私产。告到法庭,学生赔钱,封二月,父母领回学生。如上街,物价问题,牵连工人、即很麻烦。疏通工作,稳住学生。对学生讲,未经本人审阅。转告江,先是不要生气,如照办,江道歉。廿三日开人代会。结果全文未动。汪极生气:两面派,不可交之朋友。名誉董事长辞职。钦下午带两个副总编到市委,保证改版,到廿五日,改版大样不签字,钦本人躲到度假村去了,意以此抗议。张伟国用驻京办事处名义向市委发哀的美敦书。北京外国记者,还威胁要上街。于是只好停止工作,派工作组。严家其,许良英向上海写信:捍卫新闻自由,遵守宪法,请律师。武汉来一英文电强烈抗议,说江武断,刚愎自用,无落款。张伟国调回。请我在北京疏通,还说过去同建南谈过要来看我。”[1]

 

 

 

电话中我对他很客气,说我帮帮你好了。过了几天,他没有办法,自己跑到北京找赵紫阳。那时候不容易见到紫阳,他是找了一个关系见到的。我知道紫阳批评了他,话讲得很厉害,说:这个事情是你自己闯的祸,自己回去处理。所以,他把赵紫阳恨死了。紫阳去世前,我知道他的病情比较严重了,给江泽民写了一封信,说不能再软禁了,这样对紫阳是完全不对的。他根本不理。最近《炎黄春秋》登了田纪云等人回忆赵紫阳的文章,江办就通知,让《炎黄春秋》换人,足见此人心胸的狭窄。

 

我的记忆是世界经济导报被关掉导致学生重新上街游行。

 

https://www.aboluowang.com/2007/0729/49618.html

 

广场上一天一个大变化,花圈越来越多,尺寸越来越大,悼词越来越尖刻,直指官僚腐败和老人政治。

 

与此同时,报社同仁也传闻不断:先是上海《世界经济导报》总编钦本立被撤职,导报停刊;即而征集在京新闻从业人员签名,呼吁上海市委撤销相关错误决定。接著就是酝酿上街游行等事宜。

 

在京主要院校的学生陆续走出校门。而《人民日报》4月26日社论火上浇油,把大学生的积极性进一步“调动”起来。接著学生开始了绝食请愿。

 

***********************************************补充 2*******************************

 

http://history.people.com.cn/n/2013/0731/c198452-22387501.html

 

这一大部头传记的作者名叫罗伯特·劳伦斯·库恩,是著名的国际投资银行家和公司战略家,现任花旗集团执行董事,专责公司并购、重组、财务战略和资本运作。1989年3月,他应当时的国家科委之邀,第一次来中国,为中国的研究所做处于起步阶段的市场经济的顾问。从那时起,他就投入到中国事务中来,在多家科技、财务、媒体等机构任职。十几年来,他在中国出版了《投资银行学》、《交易人》和《走近真实》等书,还与中央电视台合作了《资本浪潮》、《探索中国》等电视片。《资本浪潮》1999年在中央电视台播出,《探索中国》则于2000年9月在美国公共电视台播出。

 

库恩的采访,使我们在他的书中看到了一段段鲜为人知的情节。如:改革开放之初,时任上海市长的汪道涵找到国务院副总理谷牧,推荐江泽民在新成立的谷牧兼任主任的国家进出口管理委员会和国家外国投资管理委员会中担任高级职务,谷牧在20世纪50年代当过上海市委副书记,他记起了过去的江,并任命他为两个委员会的副主任兼秘书长、党组成员;1983年6月,江泽民出访美国,在最后一站旧金山,中国惠普的总裁刘池宁(音译)去机场迎接代表团,在路上他告诉江泽民,除了请代表团吃中式晚餐外他还安排了一个庆典,庆祝江被提升为电子工业部部长,但江本人此前不知道正式任命的消息,半路上停下给旧金山的中国领事馆打电话,结果消息得到了证实;汪道涵的上海市长任期将于1985年届满,北京方面在物色他的接班人,汪道涵回忆,“副总理万里来征求我的意见,他提出好几个极有竞争力的人选,我推荐了江”;1989年的一天,江泽民接到书记处的紧急通知,要他立即赶到北京,当他匆忙赶到机场时,发现等着他的是一架专机,但是在北京南苑机场接他的汽车却是一辆普通的大众桑塔纳,直到此时,江才被告知邓小平将在西山别墅见他,当邓提出由他担任总书记时,江大为惊讶。

*****************************************************附加*******************************************

https://www.theepochtimes.com/george-hw-bush-sent-secret-delegation-to-china-after-1989-tiananmen-square-massacre_2731259.html

George HW Bush Sent Secret Delegation to China After 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre

 

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SwissArmy


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2019-05-15 19:51:00

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 19:51:00 [引用]

信息量巨大!!!

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pumpkin001


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2019-05-15 20:02:41

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:02:41 [引用]

下了功夫做了这么多研究鼓掌

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独行仙人


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2019-05-15 20:15:38

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:15:38 [引用]

我想还是早点写完。别搞到一半被人干掉了。哈哈哈

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SwissArmy


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第5楼

2019-05-15 20:21:13

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:21:13 [引用]

总搞信息轰炸,我都想先把你干掉算了哈哈

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2019-05-15 20:22:49

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:22:49 [引用]

你们谁帮我找一下美国爆料中国高官包括李鹏家人在海外资产的那篇文章。

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2019-05-15 20:32:48

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:32:48 [引用]

 

SwissArmy说:

总搞信息轰炸,我都想先把你干掉算了哈哈

 

 

我应该规定你们都要写心得,不然我就罢工了。哈哈。好东西在后面呢。看懂后就知道今天中共内部在干啥了。

 

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SwissArmy


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2019-05-15 20:34:18

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:34:18 [引用]

我在巴拿马文件的网站上看到过李小琳的护照呵呵

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pumpkin001


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2019-05-15 20:34:18

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:34:18 [引用]


https://www.aboluowang.com/2016/0405/718648.html


https://www.voachinese.com/a/voa-news-panama-papers-reveals-new-information-on-princelings-offshore-assets-20160404/3268786.html

 


https://www.icij.org/investigations/zhong-guo-chi-jin-rong-jie-mi/ji-mi-wen-jian-pi-lu-zhong-guo-jing-ying-de-hai-wai-zi-chan/

 

 

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2019-05-15 20:41:27

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:41:27 [引用]

谢谢1号南瓜。

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SwissArmy


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2019-05-15 20:50:27

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 20:50:27 [引用]

独行仙人说:

谢谢1号南瓜。


Super Geilivable!

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pumpkin001


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2019-05-15 21:10:27

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 21:10:27 [引用]

握手

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2019-05-15 21:17:04

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 21:17:04 [引用]

能不嫩找到原件。就说NYT(?)爆料的原件。不是翻译的。

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2019-05-15 21:45:10

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 21:45:10 [引用]

是这个吗?英文报纸的要购读,只有这个版

https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20140123/c23offshore/en-us/

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2019-05-15 21:47:25

 
发表于: 2019-05-15 21:47:25 [引用]

https://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/26/business/global/family-of-wen-jiabao-holds-a-hidden-fortune-in-china.html?mtrref=duckduckgo.com&gwh=7008508E266E087C93D2C22548250B5F&gwt=pay

 

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